The action plan includes Four Es - Employability, Entrepr-eneurship, Equal Opportunity and Employment Generation - to cope with the rising youth unemployment in the country,” said Sharma explaining about the action plan prepared by the NPC with the support of the International Labor Organization (ILO)-Nepal.
Sharma said the action plan included efforts like providing children and youths from backward communities access to education and training besides skill development programs to produce a skilled and efficient workforce required by the country.
“The plan envisages implementation of the Child Labor Master Plan (2004) to reduce child labor and create space for youth employment in addition to upgrading the existing training curricula,” said Sharma.
Establishing a pilot employment service center in all the five development regions for both literate and illiterate youths, promoting self-employment among trainees, establishing and implementing a mechanism to provide gender-sensitive career guidance to jobseekers and increasing access to quality business support services are among the activities included in the action plan.
“We expect child labor to decrease by 10 percent annually after the implementation of the plan,” Sharma added.
Wednesday, June 4, 2008
The Evolution of the World Economy 1000-2000 AD, by Ronald Findlay and Kevin H. O’Rourke
Can the Southern Engines Sustain their Growth?, by Meghnad Desai
Poverty–Growth–Inequality Triangle in China, by Guanghua Wan
Good and Bad Times: Volatility and Growth in Africa, by Jorge Arbach and John Page
The Ambiguity of Bureaucracy, by John Toye
Women’s Status and Child Health, by Basudeb Guha-Khasnobis and Gautam Hazarika
Mobilizing Talent for Global Development, by Andrés Solimano
Haven't read any of them though....will read it this weekend!
[...]Contrary to what Prof Easterly argues, the report makes useful contributions to policymakers’ understanding. The most important is the emphasis on growth itself, underplayed by many advisers and activists in the 1990s and early 2000s. Growth is not everything. But it is the foundation for everything. The poorer the country the more important growth becomes, partly because it is impossible to redistribute nothing and partly because higher incomes make a huge difference to the welfare of the poorest.
Yet the report goes beyond that. It is based on an analysis of 13 countries that have managed growth of 7 per cent a year over at least 25 years. They are diverse: Botswana, Brazil, China, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Malta, Oman, Singapore, Taiwan and Thailand. India and Vietnam seem likely to join this group. These countries have not all sustained their growth: Brazil and Indonesia are important examples of backsliding. These countries are also different in many respects, notably in their size, resources and culture.
Yet, suggests the report, they shared five points of resemblance: they fully exploited the opportunities afforded by the world economy; they maintained macroeconomic stability; they sustained high rates of saving and investment; they let markets allocate resources; and they had committed, credible and capable governments.These points are consistent with the so-called “Washington consensus” of the 1990s, which emphasised macroeconomic stability, trade and the market. Yet the report’s emphasis is different: it does not stress privatisation, free markets and free trade, while it does emphasise the role of the so-called “developmental state”
Beyond these principles, the report proposes “ingredients” of rapid growth. It says: “Just as we cannot say this list is sufficient, we cannot say for sure that all the ingredients are necessary. . . But we suspect that over 10 or 20 years of fast growth, all of these ingredients will matter.”
The ingredients include: investment of at least 25 per cent of gross domestic product, predominantly financed by domestic savings, including investment of some 5-7 per cent of GDP in infrastructure; and spending by private and public sectors of another 7-8 per cent of GDP on education, training and health. They also include: inward technology transfer, facilitated by exploitation of opportunities for trade and inward foreign direct investment; acceptance of competition, structural change and urbanisation; competitive labour markets, at least at the margin; the need to bring environmental protection into development from the beginning; and equality of opportunity, particularly for women.
The report also offers a pragmatic guide to some controversial debates: the role of industrial policy and export promotion; the pros and cons of deliberate undervaluation of the exchange rate; how far and how soon the economy should be open to capital flows; and the difficulties inherent in developing the financial sector.
Particularly welcome is the short list of policies to be avoided. Among them are: subsidising energy (particularly relevant today); using the civil service as employer of last resort; reducing fiscal deficits by cutting spending on infrastructure; providing open-ended protection to specific sectors; using price controls as a way to curb inflation; banning exports, to keep domestic prices low; underinvesting in urban infrastructure; underpaying public servants, such as teachers; and allowing the exchange rate to appreciate too far, too quickly.
This report, then, should be seen as a pragmatic guide to policies for accelerating growth in developing countries. What emerges is how tricky this has proved to be: it notes, rightly, how often growth has slowed once a country has achieved middle-income status. This is partly because policies and politics will, and must, change as the economy evolves.
Achieving sustained, rapid growth turns out to be very hard. Recognition of this is no objection to the report’s conclusion. It is an admission of how little we know about such a complex economic, social and political process. Yes, the report is humble. There is much for economists to be humble about. But humility should not be mistaken for total ignorance.